Jonah Goldberg Searches His Conservative Soul
Julian Sanchez | November 10, 2006, 7:10pm
Jonah Goldberg reviews Andrew Sullivan's
The Conservative Soul in the
most recent National Review, and I had a few chuckles at this line:
Once a voice of restraint and reason, Sullivan now specializes in shrill panic: mercurial ranting full of operatic arguments, steeped in bad faith, aimed at people he once praised (including yours truly). Agreement with Sullivan bespeaks courageous enlightenment, disagreement advertises that you are a knave or ideological lickspittle.
Live by the shrill, die by the shrill, Jonah. I like Sullivan, and his writing has many virtues, but as I'm scarcely the first to note, the sense of doubt and fallibilism he's now advocating as central to conservatism has not always been one of them. When he was a booster for this administration and the Iraq war, Andrew was (in print, if not in person)
at least as willing to suppose that people who disagreed were moral dunces at best, a threat to civilization itself at worst. He hasn't changed styles; he's changed sides.
As for the main argument of the book, Goldberg has two main beefs. The first is that "evil is rarely defeated by people who are unsure they are right," which Goldberg takes to mean that a "conservatism of doubt" will be too anemic to combat the enemies of liberal modernity: He mocks the idea of a "serious political movement" founded on the slogan "We're not sure!" But I think this misapprehends one paradoxical aspect of the relationship between doubt and confidence. I know, for example, that science proceeds haltingly, that its conclusions are always open to revision, and indeed, that many of the scientific beliefs of the past have been either rejected or developed to accommodate new facts. And this is precisely why I can be so confident in the scientific enterprise in the aggregate: Because I know there are scores of intelligent and skeptical researchers constantly testing and refining its conclusions. I can be fanatical in my defense of liberal societies, not because (like Islamists) I'm sure they have discovered the One Best Way of Life, but because they embody a process that allows fallible people to seek continual improvement.
Second, Jonah takes issue with Andrew's "divinization of conscience," which he casts as an arrogant rejection of tradition. And this brings us back to what I regard as the misreading of Hayek that keeps Jonah in the conservative camp—a point that Nick Gillespie tried to make
when they debated a few months back, but I don't think Jonah fully grokked. First, to say we should "rely on tradition" doesn't actually relieve us of the responsibility for making our own moral judgments, for much the same reason the argument that the argument that we need religious texts as a guide to morality doesn't go through. There are multiple traditions to choose from, and multiple strains within each tradition, so an apparent "deference to tradition" always still involves the exercise of one's own judgment. (In the same way that you may outsource your health decisions to a doctor, but you're still responsible for finding a wise doctor.) Moreover, recall that Hayek's argument is meant to show why tradition's evolved rules are likely to produce better results than a wholesale
constructivist rationalism. But this argument actually depends on people making use of
critical reason, which is quite different. In effect, Jonah wants to say: Look what cultural evolution has produced—great, freeze it! But evolution works
because of mutation, variation, and selection, and it's still going on. A tradition that can't accommodate that kind of variation is unlikely to stay adaptive for long.
jf | November 10, 2006, 9:26pm | #
Well, Julian, if you needed redemption from the post which has by now surely topped over 400 comments, this accomplished that.
The current strain of political thought which bears the label of "conservatism" bears only the slightest resemblance to the philosophy that got my attention as a teenager. I think that Goldberg (and many other of the National Review conservatives) have taken too literally William Buckley's message in his founding statement of NR
Let’s Face it: Unlike Vienna, it seems altogether possible that did National Review not exist, no one would have invented it. The launching of a conservative weekly journal of opinion in a country widely assumed to be a bastion of conservatism at first glance looks like a work of supererogation, rather like publishing a royalist weekly within the walls of Buckingham Palace. It is not that of course; if National Review is superfluous, it is so for very different reasons: It stands athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no other is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who so urge it.
I'd say that in a sense
reason is more the intellectual heir to Buckley than National Review is, because
reason looks to learn from the mistakes of the past, rather than say "if only we had done this better, it would have worked." Perhaps I'm being naive, or arrogant, or both, but the reason I am a libertarian is because I can look at the mistakes of the past, and see that while governments have come and gone, civilization has still progressed, and it is because of individuals, not governments, that progress has been achieved.
Look at the last 6 years of the United States, and see how many mistakes have been made that could have been avoided. No country has ever been forcibly transformed into a liberal democracy, but the neocons said "we are smart enough to do it." A Buckley conservative would have realized instantly the folly of the Bush adminstration's stated goals for Iraq. Sadly, Mr. Buckley himself lost his way at the beginning of the war, but seems to have regained his footing after realizing the folly of this endeavor.
Regardless of Mr. Buckley's failings, though, the fact remains that he is a thinker, which is not something that can be said for the current bunch of sycophants at National Review. There was a time in high school (we're talking the late 80's here) where during research projects, I would take a break in the library to pull issues of both National Review and The New Republic from the shelves and immerse myself in fascinating political thought. Both magazines are now pretty much void in that area.
Conservative Sense | November 12, 2006, 9:34am | #
I think Julian, and some of the posters here, are misreading Jonah's argument.
Reason must be informed, otherwise it's a "catch-all" for doing whatever you want, so long as your individual consciences aren't bothered...too much.
As for Mr. Sullivan, he is hyperbolic, and if the only thing that is giving him greater "Hit-and-Run" cred is the title of his book, versus Jonah's and even Ramesh Ponnuru's, then the folks here at Hit-and-Run are really missing the argument.
Do a cursory search at National Review Online (with whom I've had some differences from time-to-time), keying in "Andrew Sullivan" and Ramesh Ponnuru, and then search Sullivan's sites (old and Time.com), and then you tell me, in honesty, who's calling names and who's trying to argue honestly (and, naturally, Sullivan does it to Goldberg as well).
Sullivan's a great thinker, but it doesn't mean he's the best. He's far inferior (but, then, most people are, in my opinion) to Ramesh Ponnuru, both stylistically and, interestingly, in PRECISION of thought.
Case in point: at least Jonah READ Andrew's book (critically, to be sure); Andrew, to my knowledge, hasn't (or, hasn't acknowledged) that he's read Ramesh's book. But, he still lies about Ponnuru at a conference Ponnuru attended (which Sullivan didn't), and he quotes e-mails from people who claimed to have gone to school with Ponnuru (but, no names, of course), but he won't debate Ponnuru on the ISSUES, online or elsewhere.
In any event, Goldberg's analysis is quite akin to that of David Brooks's interpretation. Simply put, Sullivan doesn't "get" American conservatism, and he's just mad that American conservatives don't change-on-demand for him. And, if they won't, he'll slime, and smear, and misrepresent.
Don't tether the Libertarian label to that kind of tactic.
Andrew Sullivan: no. Charles Murray: SI!
rob | November 13, 2006, 1:33pm | #
Ken Schultz -
We fought a war against Germany, which had not attacked us, tho it had declared war on us in solidarity with Japan under the "Tripartite Agreement," for the most part far more seriously than we did against Japan.
Sounds kind of like Iraq vs. Afghanistan.
But wait a second - 85 percent of 1/5th of the world's population is Sunni Muslim, making them roughly aligned with the Sunni-oriented Taliban.
If WW2 is your example, then it would actually make more sense to go to war with all of those other Sunni Muslims first and foremost, while leaving the Taliban on the back burner, than it made to attack Germany more strongly than the Japanese who actually attacked us...
Perhaps we should have just linked arms with the other members of the "Coalition of the Willing" and taken on the rest of the Sunni Muslim (which is where the Taliban comes from) population of the world as well?
That sounds wicked crazy, admittedly, but it does seem a logical conclusion on parallel with your WW2 justification.
"I'd argue that an alliance is an effective form of self-defense, but that seems a bit beside the point. We were attacked. Our allies were attacked. We defended ourselves and our allies. ...end of story." - KS
Sounds like the embassy bombings, the USS Cole attack, Khobar towers, Madrid bombings, the attempted London bombings, etc. etc.
So I guess the real question is why is WW2 defending ourselves and our allies and the current war somehow not?