Ars Gratia Libertatis
Brian Doherty | June 12, 2007, 6:22pm
Sheldon Richman reviews Bryan Caplan's new book The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies. The book presents a somewhat depressing, though brilliantly argued, analysis of exactly how poorly most voters understand economics, and why (quick summation: because they have no reason not to be irrational when it comes to voting), and what this means for limited government. Richman wonders what Caplan's thesis means for libertarian strategists:
Economic education for the public also would also seem in order. But just straightforward teaching won't be enough, for as Caplan elaborates, people hold fast to their errors through "emotional commitment." "A good teacher could change some minds, but the best teacher in the world would be lucky to convince half," he writes. Dogma dies hard.
At the very least, this implies that the case for liberty must be pressed across the entire cultural front, especially in movies and novels where emotions as well as reason can be appealed to. We must find emotional commitments in the population that are consistent with freedom. Libertarian strategic wisdom may well begin with Jonathan Swift's insight: "It is useless to attempt to reason a man out of a thing he was never reasoned into.
Previous blogging on Caplan's book, summarizing what both the New York Times and In These Times had to say about it.
grylliade | June 13, 2007, 3:07am | #
The fact that you think transporation limitations, finding yourself in harsh economic straits, or other conditions that limit very poor people's ability to exploit economic opportunities that come with a transaction cost exist only on theoretical desert islands indicates that you don't have a very solid grasp of the experience of poor people, Nas.
The fact that you don't like Wal-Mart shows that you don't have a very solid grasp of the experience of poor people, joe.
Take, for example, the case of a worker who cannot afford the cost of transportation to competing establishments. He really isn't able to put "I could go work for someone else" on the table.
Or just someone who is such severe economic straits that he can't even take the chance of spending another week looking for a better offer.
Both of those cases assume that the employer has perfect knowledge about the circumstances of the potential employee, and that they'll use those circumstances during an actual negotiation for wage. At the bottom of the barrel, it doesn't work like that. Labor is a fungible commodity there; the employer doesn't care whether you work there or someone else does. The effort required to find out the personal circumstances of a potential employee is simply not justified. Basically, they're not negotiating with individuals, because at such low wage rates it's not worth the time or effort to debate wages. They're negotiating with the labor pool, and competing with other businesses, all of which seem similar from the standpoint of the unskilled laborer. In other words, it's the kind of market in which you'd
most expect the free market to apply. If you want to help poor people out, try a negative income tax or some similar low-overhead way of helping them. A minimum wage is about the
least helpful thing you can do.
As to the rest of it: the basic libertarian position is that meddling in the economy is mostly bad. The problem is one of knowledge: you don't know ahead of time (or even, given imperfect knowledge, in hindsight) which interventions work and which don't.
In general, over time, the free market produces the best outcomes. You might gain some small advantages in one case or another (like, if the data are true, the minimum wage not affecting employment), but the risks from intervention outweigh the benefits in almost every case.
What's worse, the cost of administering all the programs you start to "adjust" the efficiency of the free market starts to outweigh those very efficiency gains. You have to go around to every employer and make sure that they're paying the proper wage and, if necessary, drag them through the legal system, which costs time and money. Again, in this one case, it might be worth it (though I doubt it very much). But you set a precedent for intervening again, and again, and again . . . until you've swamped the engine of the free market with regulations, all of which mean well, but almost none of which have any actual benefit.
And the worst part of this is that all the damage done is in foregone wealth growth. It's easy to point out the hard-luck cases that result from free market capitalism; it's a lot harder to point out how much better their lives would be had the economy not been shackled by unnecessary regulation for decades. I contend (and I suspect that, if they thought about it, most libertarians would) that the actual wages of those minimum wage workers would be
much higher than any "living wage" proposed by progressives had libertarian economic ideas prevailed in the Great Depression and after.
That is why I support the free market, because the outcomes are much better in very nearly every case than under any form of regulation, and those few cases under which it would be worse are better managed by private charity or a simple negative income tax than by complex regulation of the whole economy.