Slaves to the Wage
David Weigel | December 21, 2006, 2:04pm
Over at Real Clear Politics, author and sometime Reasonoid Jeremy Lott tries to prove that minimum wage-hiking ballot measures yanked the Democrats to victory.
Minimum wage increases were up for vote in six states this year and carried all but one state by overwhelming margins (Coloradans approved it by a more modest margin). Residents of Arizona, Colorado, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, and Ohio decided that low wage workers deserved a raise -- out of somebody else's wallet, of course.
According to preliminary turnout figures compiled by George Mason University political scientist Michael P. McDonald, the initiatives did a great job of getting voters out to the polls in the midterm elections. Nationally, there were 83,217,655 ballots cast for the highest elected office in any state -- a 6.2 % increase over the 2002 midterms. Nearly a third of that increase (1,450,223 ballots) was concentrated in the six minimum wage-hiking states.
The minimum wage vote had four positive effects for Democrats: (1) It gave them control of the U.S. Senate; (2) It added to their majority in the House; (3) It helped them in state gubernatorial and legislative races; and (4) It was a Democrat-friendly issue to rival gay marriage.
Me, I'm not so sure. There's never been definitive proof of people going to the polls to vote for a ballot measure in a general election. The groups agitating to pass/defeat said measures may turn out their voters, but there's not a proveable connection between voting for Amendment X and voting for Candidate Who Supports Many of the Issues Embodied by Amendment X. Look at Virginia, which hosted an anti-gay marriage ballot measure that conservatives expected to help George Allen (who supported it) beat Jim Webb (who didn't). The amendment passed by 14 points, but Allen lost, and 40,000 people who voted in the Senate race left their ballots blank on the marriage amendment. Also, Arizona, Colorado, Montana, Ohio and Nevada had more competitive races than they did in 2002. The candidates and party committees were spending more to turn voters out than they had four years ago.
But the hook of Lott's column is his advice for Democrats.
Democrats can continue to hike minimum wages on a state-by-state basis or they can hike the federal minimum wage, but probably not both. A federal raise will relieve pressure to hike state minimum wages and rob Democrats of future political gains.
What might serve Democrats best at this point is misdirection and demagoguery. They can encourage Republicans in the Senate to filibuster it or, failing that, pass a bill so ridiculous that even President Bush will have to veto it. Then tell voters the Man is keeping them down.
That sounds like the "backlash narrative" that Tom Frank was accusing Republicans (rightly) of stoking in What's the Matter With Kansas. Lott's solution is clever, but 1) the backlash narrative looks like it crapped out in 2006 and 2) the minimum wage is easier to game and re-game than gay marriage or abortion. You can have an amendment redefining marriage, one banning gay adoptions, then apart from legiaslating around the edges, you're done. But even if Congress passes a minimum wage increase, states can put slightly-higher-than-national increases on the ballot from here to the end of time.
VikingMoose | December 21, 2006, 5:03pm | #
Characteristics of the minimum wage earner in 2005:
http://www.bls.gov/cps/minwage2005.htm
"1.9 million workers with wages at or below the minimum made up 2.5 percent of all hourly-paid workers"
"Minimum wage workers tend to be young. About half of workers earning $5.15 or less were under age 25, and about one-fourth of workers earning at or below the minimum wage were age 16-19. Among employed teenagers, about 9 percent earned $5.15 or less. About 2 percent of workers age 25 and over earned the minimum wage or less. Among those age 65 and over, the proportion was about 3 percent."
It's really easy for some to say, "only 2%. Fuck 'em". If you're one of them, no need to read on: we probably differ too much on the value of the individual.
Understanding that policy decisions do result in winners and losers (e.g., free trade decisions) doesn't mean that you eschew the decisions, but you do need to understand who is being positively and negatively affected, are those effects on the balance positive, positive for your main constituency, negative on a constituency, overall negative, or indifferent. If you're a boss, you'll make those decisions, so why not here and now, too?
The minimum wage arguments are very interesting. And I'm glad someone brought up fast food.
(NOTE: K&K's article is from 1992!!!)
Katz and Krueger (Oct 1992: Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Oct., 1992), pp. 6-21. ) present data that suggest:
1)"relatively few employers use[d] the subminimum wage, even in an industry where many employers could probably attract teenage workers at a subminimum wage"
2)"[T]he evidence on employment and price changes does not seem consistent with a conventional view of the effects of increases in a binding minimum wage."
3)"Our results indicate that employment
increased at firms most affected by the minimum wage increase....
emphasis mine
4) Castillo and Friedman (1992) show that Puerto Rico's relatively high minimum wage did have "substantial" disemployment effects
5) "Under certain conditions, monopsony models predict that a small increase in the minimum wage leads to an increase in employment, whereas a large increase in the minimum wage leads to a decrease in employment"
(all citations are from page 16 of my little handout - that's from "The Effect of the Minimum Wage on the Fast-Food Industry", Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Oct., 1992), pp. 6-21.)
Neumark (1992) uses panel data by state (Microeconometric geek alert!) in this paper:
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Oct., 1992), pp. 55-81.
He shows elasticities for teens to be -0.1 to -0.2, meaning that a 10% rise in the minimum wage is accompanied by a 1% to 2% decrease in employment for teenagers. And elasticities suggesting a decrease in employment for every 10% increase in minimum wage to be around 1.5% to 2%. Note: his study is also from 1992.
Juan Dolado; Francis Kramarz et al in:
Economic Policy, Vol. 11, No. 23. (Oct., 1996), pp. 317-372.
"The Economic Impact of Minimum Wages in Europe"
They find that the importance of the minimum wage has been exaggerated.
Martin Rama in:
Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 54, No. 4. (Jul., 2001), pp. 864-881.
"The Consequences of Doubling the Minimum Wage: The Case of Indonesia"
He found that doubling the minimum wage lead to an increase of the average wage 5-15% and decreased employment by 0-5%, with the smaller firms experiencing "substantial decreases in employment, whereas some large firms actually saw their employment increase"
That's the developing nation view.
You can argue, of course, that in Indonesia, probably more poverty-stricken workers could tend to work in small businesses, thereby ruining the redistributive goals.
You can also argue that the goals for minimum wage hikes or laws are politically, and they respond to the "interest group" model. The workers in large firms benefited the most from the increase, thereby satisfying a political need at the expense of the ultra poor.
I do not have either answer.
I do know that Sobel (1999) in the J of Pol Economy rejects the notion that the minimum wage law addresses what the Fair Labor Act of 1938 was designed to achieve. He attributes the path of the minimum wage laws in the US to be influenced by labor and business. Quelle Surprise. The timing of the wage changes, the level etc. are, according to his argument, "are shaped by pressures in the political process".
(Russell Sobel: "Theory and Evidence on the Political Economy of the Minimum Wage": The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 107, No. 4. (Aug., 1999), pp. 761-785.)
Couch and Wittenburg ("The Response of Hours of Work to Increases in the Minimum Wage" in Southern Economic Journal, Vol. 68, No. 1. (Jul., 2001), pp. 171-177.) show that the neoclassical model holds: reduced hours worked by teens, suggesting employers would reduce teens' hours.
Finally, the models in intro econ textbooks showing the effects of the minimum wage on free-market equilibrium (shudder) an increase in the wage causes a reduction of employment (movement along the the labor demand curve) with the proportional change being equal to the elasticity of demand for unskilled labor. Great (takes book and throws it out window). That's "all else being equal". Also, consider that there's higher turnover rates in minimum wage jobs. Although the only figure I have is around 12% per month, that's from 1981 (by Converse et al), so who knows.
To me, this argument seems yet another proxy battle of the "big labor vs big business".
There are living wage laws out there, too. Our friend Neumark teamed up with Scott Adams back in 2003 to examine:
"Do Living Wage Ordinances Reduce Urban Poverty?
The Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 38, No. 3. (Summer, 2003), pp. 490-521.
They find wages of low wage workers are boosted, but there is also a "moderate negative employment effect". (elasticity is -0.13)
They do not examine "Big Box Ordinances", rather only businesses that provided service to the city or those businesses receiving some sort of financial incentive from the city (e.g., economic development or job creation: from page 31 of my handy-dandy 33 page handout).
They find that the only adverse effects were in employment, not wages nor poverty.
I do agree with the opinion that this argument is proxy for a political battle rather than an economic one, and with that in mind, does anybody want to discuss the forces pulling various groups towards and away from minimum wage laws?
What would organized labor? They negotiate their own wages. In right to work states, what would the minimum wage increase do? What sectors would be affected, positively and negatively by increases in the minimum wage? Would there be substitutes for the higher wage earning unskilled laborers? How would the firm's choices for skilled vs unskilled labor change?
Where would there be substitution away from skilled labor?
What about the original goals of the minimum wage: keeping people above the poverty line? Have states indexed the minimum wage? Or will there be occasional jumps in it to keep up with changes in definitions of the federal poverty level? Does the current legislation address that issue? If yes, then argue about whether that's the best way to do it. If no, then argue about what the law is designed to do.
This topic is huge, rather difficult, and while the kneejerk reaction is to respond to the aversion to the effects of meddling in the (allegedly but not at all) free market, then think about why we have that reaction.
Sorry for hitting and running. And apologies for the HUGE post. Gotta go.