Terrorist Plot Foiled In D.C., or, Dr. Thoreau's Combustible Constitutional Conundrum
Tim Cavanaugh | June 10, 2006, 5:05pm
Everybody's favorite commenter Professor Thoreau has a thought experiment related to today's news of the foiled abortion clinic bombing in D.C. From the Washington Post:
So on Sunday, more than a week after their 25-year-old son disappeared from their home and stopped returning their calls, [Robert Weiler Sr.] and his wife, Catherine, called Prince George's County police to report their suspicions, he said. That tip led to their son's arrest -- but not until more than three days later. Police, he said, "sent two officers out to interview us and took our statement, and then we heard nothing back from them."
"In frustration, I contacted the FBI on Monday, and again I heard nothing back," said Weiler, 49, an administrator at the National Naval Medical Center in Bethesda.
Weiler said it appeared to him that the investigation did not move significantly until Wednesday, when agents from the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives arrived at his home in Forestville for a six-hour visit.
Early Thursday, Robert Weiler Jr. was taken into custody at a rest stop in Western Maryland. By dawn, the pipe bomb he allegedly built and stored at a friend's house in the Riverdale Heights area had been partially detonated by bomb squad technicians working to disarm it.
Asks Thoreau:
A lot of Hit and Run commenters have argued that when ideological fanatics are planning to kill civilians we can't afford to utilize the normal procedures of the justice system. I'm wondering what they think the appropriate course of action would be in this case. And whether they would have given the same answer if the plot had involved a young Muslim planning to set off a bomb in a mall instead of a guy from a Catholic family planning to bomb an abortion clinic.
I would say Thoreau, Dr. of Thinkology, is setting up a little bit of a straw man, or at least I wouldn't say many Hit and Run commenters have made this argument. I'd say, newfangled constitution is not a suicide pact believers are not numerous, in either numbers or percentages, among the commenters, and for that I thank God, the Academy, and you, the Fabulous Little People.
However, as a conversation starter, I'll hazard a general reply: I believe Weiler Jr. should get a fair trial in open court, and I believe a young Muslim caught under similar circumstances should get the same; however, I think the two cases are different because Islamist Terrorism is a unique threat to our country and our people, and it will take more than the fifth anniversary of 9/11, and possibly even the 25th anniversary of 9/11, to persuade me to change that belief. (Does that make me the constitution is not a suicide pact believer? Discuss.)
Ken Shultz | June 10, 2006, 7:54pm | #
Agreed, but as I said, I think they're far outnumbered by people of the law.
There are regular commenters, opponents, commenters via instalanche, et. al. and then there's the American people.
I suspect the American people and commenters via instalanche are more in synch than most of us would like them to be, which is why the President probably feels confident about having Congressional hearings on whether he should be able to authorize listening in on phone calls without regard to the law or the Constitution, etc. I suspect the average American, much like the average instalanche commenter, also doesn't care much about due process, extraordinary rendition, prohibitions against torture in ticking time bomb scenarios or probable cause, so long as it's pitched as protecting us from terror.
Then there's the opponents. I remember one opponent once suggested that Jennifer, joe and me must have signed a treaty to always comment in support of each other--I thought the statement was ridiculous. ...I can't think of two regulars I disagree with more often. An opponent once suggested that Gary Gunnels, joe, thoreau and me must work out automatic joint responses. ...how often do we all agree? I remember a certain anti-immigrant semi-regular seemed to think the four of us were all the same person posting under different names!
Although we clearly see differences among ourselves, I think Tim's right that the regular commenters here are more or less in synch with each other, particularly in regards to Constitution as Death Pact issues. ...and it seems that our opponents, even those who have seen us in action for a while, tend to group us all together that way. The Constitution is not a death pact--how many regulars
disagree with that statement? How many of us see it as emblamatic?
...even if I think Jennifer is flat wrong on any one of a dozen economic issues, she's closer to my position, I'd guess, than 90% of the American people who agree with me on economic issues. Ditto for joe--even if he doesn't self-identify as libertarian; I say we claim him anyway--you can only swim in these waters for so long without getting infected.
Again | June 10, 2006, 8:42pm | #
What makes Islamic terrorism unique is the vast network of state and non-state, domestic and non-domestic actors facilitating and/or advocating these sorts of plots.
If you grab a lone nut trying to bomb an abortion clinic, the only point of torturing him would be for revenge. If you nab a member of Al Qaeda it's a different scenario.
Now don't read that to mean that I advocate such actions, but there is a difference in the two scenarios.
And the threat is unique. An abortion clinic bomber isn't likely to try and use a dirty bomb or a biological weapon because his goal isn't to terrorize the public as a whole, but simply the doctors, nurses, volunteers and patients of abortion clinics. Again their lives are just as important, but still the threat of Islamic terrorists is more random and therefore unique.
The unique part of Islamic terrorism is that they seem to be concerned with causing random death and mayhem. It's uniqueness is its lack of specifics. Everybody, everywhere is a potential target, people are protected only by the practicalities of population density.
If McVeigh had the opportunity to kill 80% of the United States, would he? If your average Al Qaeda terrorist had the same opportunity, would he?
Pretending Islamic Terrorism is equivalent to bee stings does libertarianism no favors at all and is a good way to continue to marginalize those principles at the polls. There's more to the threat of Islamic Terrorism as to how many people they've killed so far, it's the psychological effect of the American public seeing 3,000 fellow office workers die live on National TV. It's not the current realities, its the possibilities that frighten.
For libertarians to dismiss those possibilities instead of address them is both stupid and counterproductive. Who do you want addressing the potential for catastrophes due to terrorism? A libertarian who will use every tool under the law to fight them, or people for whom the law is an inconvenience and will destroy the country trying to save it?
Again | June 10, 2006, 9:38pm | #
"Your fears are not rational."
Whose are? Human beings are not Vulcans. The irrational is a daily part of life for all of us. Events with similar outcomes affect us differently even if rationally the results are the same.
The reality is that those things you mention are things that happen, not things that are perpetrated like 9/11. The effect that has on our pysches is profoundly different.
More to the point, we fight things like car accidents, heart attacks and tumors every day of the week. We buy auto insurance and health insurance. We wear seatbelts and decide not to smoke or decide to quit. Car companies invent airbags and crumple zones. We develop alternate types of heart surgeries to bypasses: angiograms and angioplasties to clear out clogged arteries. We arrest drivers for driving while under the influence. We spend billions on cancer research, and millions of Americans participate in walk-a-thons and other fundraisers to fight deadly diseases.
And by the same token, all sorts of advocates for those causes try and bend and break our laws in service of them all the time. Banning smoking in public spaces, random sobreity checks on holidays, all sorts of nanny-state proposals to regulate the fast-food industry.
What, exactly, makes you think people _aren't excited about those things? _You_ be rational and concede that when 3,000 Americans are purposefully massacred all at once by someone, that maybe our Government ought to take an interest in this event, or else there's little use of having a government.
If Greece launched a missile attack against the Pentagon, it is the responisibility of this government to deal with that action for what it was: an open act of war. It would be well within our government's rights to hold Greece responsible for such an action. Why then is a similar but more brutal attack similar to "bee stings" just because it happened to be perpertrated by non-state actors?
If you are so anti-confrontation that you can't find the will to fight this group of loony-toons after they committed a murderous attack on thousands of civilians, then who exactly are you prepared to fight? Canada?
If your an anarchist, just say so.
thoreau | June 10, 2006, 10:37pm | #
Jason-
I largely agree that we may need somewhat different approaches when a suspected terrorist is nabbed in an area where the local authorities are some mixture of corrupt and/or incompetent and/or in cahoots with the terrorists. I would still say that the approach should be something other than letting the executive branch do whatever it wants. I would still insist that the case be heard by an independent tribunal, a tribunal composed of people who don't take orders from the President, i.e. an independent judiciary. I would like to see that tribunal abide by laws that Congress wrote, not executive orders. To do anything else is simply too dangerous. No branch of government should be able to operate with complete autonomy when it makes accusations against a person.
It would be tempting to say that the geographical considerations would be sufficient protection: This won't apply to John Q. Protestor because John Q. Protestor is marching in downtown DC, not in rural Pakistan. But then I think of guys like Khaled El Masri, an innocent German who got caught up in some snafu involving mistaken identity, and found himself forcibly removed from a very lawful European country (one where local authorities were very cooperative with the CIA), and sent to a US prison in Afghanistan. In that prison his captors pointed out to him that he is in a country with no laws and hence he is at their mercy. Then they tortured him.
That should give us pause: If we are going to relax certain standards when activities (allegedly) happen in a lawless area, well, don't be surprised if government employees rub their hands in glee. How hard would it be for John Q. Protestor to be nabbed when vacationing in Toronto or Cancun because his name is similar to that of a person on the No Fly List? And then he's sent off to a land with no laws. Remember, the No Fly List isn't limited to names like "Khaled El Masri." It also includes names similar to "Robert Weiler" and "Eric Rudolph". And you just happen to be a gun owner who (presumably) doesn't like the IRS...
So I'm forced to conclude that we need more than geography to protect us from government employees taking certain liberties. We need review by an independent branch of government, even if the alleged activities do happen in rural Pakistan or whatever. If Khaled El Masri had been given the chance to talk to somebody in a different chain of command than the CIA agent handling his case, he might have been able to demonstrate that it was a case of mistaken identity before the torture commenced.
And as long as we're talking about lawless areas, there's a very lawless area just south of our border. Mexican cops are a mixture of corrupt and incompetent and complicit in all sorts of criminal activities. Hell, there's a steady stream of people trying to get the hell away from that lawlessness and participate in the wealth creation that becomes easier when you live under the rule of law.
So, how hard would it be to allege that somebody was involved in activities in Mexico?
As far as war zones:
In war zones, I would normally be comfortable with doing this according to the relevant treaties and long-standing rules of war (including the rules that enemies not in uniform have far less protection). I would be comfortable with that if this was a war with a very concrete objective and therefore a forseeable endpoint. But, as you point out:
I'm uncomfortable that we have no formal standard on how long that can be in a perpetual undeclared war...
We don't know when this war will end. We don't even really know what the metric for an identifiable victory will be.
Bottom line: History shows that government employees with no leash can kill at least as many people as terrorists. Some of them even fund terrorists.
thoreau | June 10, 2006, 11:00pm | #
Finally, to get back to the original subject:
We should note that the government has captured a guy who certainly appears to be a dangerous terrorist. They did it while obeying the law. He will be tried in a court of law, and if he is unable to establish reasonable doubt about the charges then he will certainly go to prison for a long time, and he will remain there unless he can provide an appellate court with evidence that he was wrongly convicted. Thus far we have every reason to believe that the system will be adequate to this task, one way or the other.
Given that the system seems adequate thus far, it's worth examining the analogies between this and other scenarios that might confront us: Just as this guy apparently belonged to a group of guys with some sort of violent ideology, what if some young Muslim men on US soil, acting as a self-contained unit with no direction from overseas, plan a bombing? What should we do?
Note that getting ideological inspiration from angry preachers over the web isn't the same as getting money, orders, and operational instructions from a leader in a foreign land. Hell, for all we know, Robert Weiler might have communicated with skinheads in Europe. (The article mentions that some of his associates had been convicted of spray-painting racist graffiti.)
Also, I don't know to what extent Weiler used electronic communications, but I don't see any reason to think that indiscriminate wiretaps would have been necessary in this case. He was on the radar as associating with known criminals and radicals. If investigators had taken an interest in him (before his father reported him) I'm guessing that it would have been pretty easy to get enough evidence for a warrant.
If he and his friends hadn't been on the radar, is there any evidence that he would have raised red flags in some sort of pattern analysis? A bunch of young men calling each other on the phone and emailing regularly doesn't mean much. They could be a terrorist cell, or they could just be friends. The only reason to single them out would be if they were already on the radar for some other reason (e.g. he stole from his parents, his friends were convicted criminals and known radicals, etc.).
I look at this case, and I see a terrorist who was thwarted because somebody ratted on him. I don't see how tapping every phone in the US would have been useful. And I don't see any reason to cut corners on procedures now that he's in custody.
And looking at the death of Zarqawi, it appears that he was also found by good old-fasioned detective work rather than some indiscriminate method.
The lessons of the past few days suggest to me that terrorists, both at home and abroad, will most likely be thwarted by a combination of informants and old-fashioned detective work. Which raises certain questions about the things that our government has been proposing lately.
thoreau | June 11, 2006, 6:15am | #
What protects you from being black bagged off the street is the enormous cost to the government caught doing such a thing to a citizen. If the government is willing to go to these lengths to get you, violating in clear terms most provisions specifically afforded you under common law and the constitutiobn, it is absurd to think that if only you say "AHA! You can't violate my rights just because I'm in a lawless land," that will somehow save you.
I half agree. I assume that, from time to time, people have always disappeared into black holes, maybe even since the early days of the Republic. Governments have always had unscrupulous thugs on their payrolls and have always done dirty deeds. If they really want to blackbag somebody then they'll simply do it, and it will never wind up in court because nobody will even know that his disappearance was the work of a government employee.
But, as you say, it's costly for the gov't if such things are discovered. In the past, that has limited the scale of whatever blackbag operations they may have had going on. But in the past few years they've been arguing that people captured under certain circumstances (or captured under what the government
claims are certain circumstances) can be held indefinitely without trial. They have had slick lawyers writing these arguments, when forced to do so they've made it in court (they don't like doing that, however), and they've generally been trying to sow the notion that a certain amount of blackbagging is perfectly kosher.
If this argument is accepted then they can expand the scale of whatever dirty deeds they've been doing all along.
And they conveniently have a conflict of potentially endless duration. Even some self described libertarians have been saying that in light of this conflict we may need to accept that people captured overseas should be put before:
a tribunal established by the military or, just thinking out of the box, it could be a subdivision of the justice department tasked to create special courts for just such occasions. The burden of proof should not be beyond a reasonable doubt, and there should be no jury.
If your juryless system could only be applied in very specific geographical regions, maybe (just maybe) I could contemplate it. But a tool like that will always find greater application. It will be applied to anybody who alleged to be an enemy soldier out of uniform. I keep thinking of Khaled El Masri. He was certainly captured in a lawful area (a border checkpoint in Macedonia, I think), but he was suspected of being a member of Al Qaeda, so he was treated like an enemy soldier operating out of uniform: Basically zero rights. He was sent to a lawless land. This was done with the acquiescence of another Western government.
It would be tempting to say that the system worked because in the case was released in the end, but there are two ways in which it failed grossly:
1) The system missed a very easy opportunity to clear things up before the torture commenced. A meaningful process, one in which the executive branch doesn't get to call the shots unchecked, could have easily fixed that.
2) Once the mistake was identified he wasn't simply put on the first plane home. No, he was held for a few weeks while the US gov't tried to figure out how to do with with minimal humiliation or diplomatic fallout. That sounds great for us, but kind of sucky for the innocent guy whose wife and kids thought that he had either died or abandoned them. They weren't notified during those weeks leading up to his release. And when he was finally released he was released in a rather lawless region of the Balkans, in the hopes that he might either be killed by bandits, or at least that nobody would believe his story. ("OK, these masked men who released you in a remote area. You're sure they're CIA? They certainly fit the description of the many bandit and militia groups operating out here. That seems a whole lot more likely, dude.")
What you are describing is a tool that could be very easily applied with no shame to people captured under any number of circumstances if they are alleged to be equivalent to soldiers out of uniform, taking their orders from Al Qaeda or some other group operating in a region where US troops are deployed. The absence of shame means that this dangerous tool will be more widely deployed.
I know that people captured in war zones have never had many rights, but that was a codified fact of life in a declared war with a declared objective. In a post 9/11 war, where war is supposedly endless, the tools that you're describing are simply too dangerous. I will not tolerate the world's most dangerous legal instruments being deployed without shame by the world's most expensive government. In a post 9/11 world that risk is simply unacceptable.
thoreau | June 11, 2006, 6:27am | #
Since I can't sleep, and since we're talking about blackbagging, I've been tossing around in my head an idea for a screenplay about our post 9/11 world. A comedy:
You know how in the movies there are always these secret agents who can make people disappear? They always do really elaborate schemes to cover their dirty deeds. They fake somebody's death so nobody knows he's in the secret prison. They fake a suicide so nobody knows he was murdered. They frame him for a crime that he didn't commit so nobody knows the real reason he's in prison.
This story is about those guys. One day they're dropping a guy off at the secret prison, when they meet somebody from the new Department of Homeland Security, who's also doing a delivery. They start talking shop, and they describe to him how they did the disappearance. There's a femme fatale agent who lured the guy to a hotel where he was grabbed, then they had a body double get on a flight to Pakistan so there would be a trail that makes it look like the guy left the country, etc. All the standard movie stuff.
The Homeland Security guy is stumped. He's like "I just showed up, announced that the guy is an enemy combatant, and dragged him away. You don't need to do all that elaborate stuff anymore, guys. Blackbagging is legal now!"
Our secret agents quickly realize that their jobs are in jeopardy if coverups are no longer necessary, so they decide to fight back. Being civil servants, the first thing they do is talk to their union rep. He explains that this is a political matter, not a labor-management issue. So they take it to the political realm and hold a big protest. But because their work is classified their signs are blacked out, just like documents that the CIA releases. So, they decide to fight back. They're secret agents who use dirty tactics, right? They plan to use their tactics against the Department of Homeland Security. Well, they're a bunch of keystone cops and they get caught and sent to the secret prison, where they start complaining that their rights are being violated. In the end they escape in some hijinx, but the message of the movie is that the days of hidden conspiracies are over, and the days of bad behavior with zero shame are upon us.
I call it "Homeland Job Security", and it's basically X-Files meets Office Space.
Now, if only I could get some sleep...
thoreau | June 11, 2006, 4:16pm | #
Jason-
I don't have easy answers, but I can tell you what options should NOT be on the table:
Indefinite detention with no trial and no means for identifying the end of hostilities should not be on the table. Period.
In the thread about the Gitmo suicides, kwais and I have been talking about this. He's been pointing out situations that he and other people face in the field. I've said that I realize that in the field, captures are made and that's that. In the field, in the midst of battle, I realize that all sorts of niceties will be ignored, and that's just a sad fact of life.
My concerns kick in once the prisoner is taken off the battlefield, to a situation where he is no longer a danger to American forces. At that point, one of three things should happen:
1) If he can be clearly identified as a POW then he should be treated as such. The nice thing about POW's is that they answer to an enemy government, so once that government surrenders, signs a treaty, offers a prisoner exchange, or does something else along those lines you can release them. There's a clear criterion for when they'll go home: When
their commanders say so.
2) If he isn't a traditional POW, but is nonetheless clearly a participant in a conflict that will have a definite endpoint, then he should be held until some milestone is reached. We may not know
when the conflict will end, but we'll know what it will look like. So you put him in a cell with a sign that says "To be opened when [insert event here] happens."
3) If he would otherwise fit into one of the 2 categories above, except that he committed a war crime (defined in whatever the traditional manner is) then do whatever they do with war criminals. Since there are tre